The Third Place
The Grey Power Pre-Election strategy report describes the Prime Minister as "bossy, arrogant, too-big-for-her-pants Helen Clark"- a view that is of course their right. That said, things start to become unstuck however when its unclear who exactly is behind the message being pushed. Grey Power are described as having "more than 90,000 active members" and is "a leading support organisation for many of the 750,000 retired New Zealanders." Most importantly, it has said that "it will not endorse any candidate or party." This of course contrasts starkly with the until-recently unknown role of the Exclusive Brethren beavering away behind the scenes of the National Party's campaign. Of course, there's nothing to show that National had a hand in the dissemination of the now-infamous leaflets, yet it is those leaflets that leave one wondering where the line should be drawn on third party advertising.
As it stands, the rules - courtesy of a press release from the Chief Electoral Office - simply require that the advertisements carry the "true name and [street] address" of the person who directed their publication. So what that means is that if anybody wished to distribute a leaflet or buy billboard or print media space to push their views on a particular issue or party, they're free to do so (provided of course that they can front up with the money to pay for it in the first place). Obviously, for most individuals the costs involved with such an undertaking would be well beyond their budget. However, for organisations - who are themselves better placed to spread and absorb the overall costs - the question is more one of when and not if. Therein lies the problem.
When the rules are considered in this context, their inherent shortcomings are all too exposed. While it is common practice for some of the more traditional political and quasi-political groups to include their name or logo within the advertisement, for other groups the practice is observed more in the breach than the compliance. Yet, voters should be able to know which group or groups are responsible for any given advertisement; armed with this information, they are able to view the advertisement in its complete context including with any added skepticism that context may bring. For example, the full-page print advertisements calling on the country to "Wake Up" were supposedly by a group of "concerned citizens". What they didn't say was that those citizens just happened to all be members of the Exclusive Brethren Church. While the Church and its members are of course full entitled to their views and to express their views, the public are equally entitled to know of the all too-common connection between those citizens. Similarly, in the case of the anti-Green Party leaflets that were recently distributed, knowing that the driving (and financing) force behind them was again the Exclusive Brethren considerably changes the context in which most people would view the message being pushed.
What those leaflets also showed was just how easily the loose rules in this area can be circumvented, if not overtly flouted. Whether the Mr J. Hawkins, of 3 Brent Place, Christchurch actually exists has yet to be established and, in all likelihood, will probably never be established conclusively. This apparent anonymity seems to be simply a means of paying little more than lip service to the law, allowing the advertisements to be published almost unchecked. Again, the issue is one of context and applies irrespective of who the actual advertiser is. New Zealanders would undoubtedly demand to know if there was a potential for profit through vested interests, but the determinator for disclosure should be more than just pecuniary interest. Other interests are equally as important and so the requirements for revelation should apply irrespective.
Consequently, it is clear that a new minimum standard for compliance is required. All third party advertisements should be made to display the name and logo of the organisation which authorised their publication. In the unlikely event that a single citizen or small group of citizens were the authorisers, then their names, addresses and occupations should all be required. Furthermore, a mandatory requirement for registration with the Chief Electoral Office should be introduced in all cases. This would allow the office to offer voluntary advice on the compliance (or lack thereof) with electoral law, as well as providing the office with a chance to check on the bona fides of the person or organisations purporting to be behind the publication of the advertisements - preventing anymore Mr Nobody's from passing themselves off as actual people. Finally, in order to determine who the provider of the actual impetus behind the advertisement is, the only question that needs to be asked is: who is paying for it?" By doing this, it is likely that anonymous slur campaigns can be avoided and any advertisements viewed in their complete context.
Third party advertisements can carry considerable influence and are a very powerful tool. Exempt from the standard spending cap that apply to party and candidate advertisements, and subject only to a weak authorisation clause, theirs is a power that can be wielded almost unabated. It is for this reason, and in the light of recent events, that the rules and restrictions on such advertising are in urgent need of serious scrutiny and tougher controls. Without such measures in place, it is almost impossible for the public to know the true purpose behind any of these advertisements - the message behind the message will always remain a mystery and complete story will not be told. Put simply, the public have a right to know - everything.
As it stands, the rules - courtesy of a press release from the Chief Electoral Office - simply require that the advertisements carry the "true name and [street] address" of the person who directed their publication. So what that means is that if anybody wished to distribute a leaflet or buy billboard or print media space to push their views on a particular issue or party, they're free to do so (provided of course that they can front up with the money to pay for it in the first place). Obviously, for most individuals the costs involved with such an undertaking would be well beyond their budget. However, for organisations - who are themselves better placed to spread and absorb the overall costs - the question is more one of when and not if. Therein lies the problem.
When the rules are considered in this context, their inherent shortcomings are all too exposed. While it is common practice for some of the more traditional political and quasi-political groups to include their name or logo within the advertisement, for other groups the practice is observed more in the breach than the compliance. Yet, voters should be able to know which group or groups are responsible for any given advertisement; armed with this information, they are able to view the advertisement in its complete context including with any added skepticism that context may bring. For example, the full-page print advertisements calling on the country to "Wake Up" were supposedly by a group of "concerned citizens". What they didn't say was that those citizens just happened to all be members of the Exclusive Brethren Church. While the Church and its members are of course full entitled to their views and to express their views, the public are equally entitled to know of the all too-common connection between those citizens. Similarly, in the case of the anti-Green Party leaflets that were recently distributed, knowing that the driving (and financing) force behind them was again the Exclusive Brethren considerably changes the context in which most people would view the message being pushed.
What those leaflets also showed was just how easily the loose rules in this area can be circumvented, if not overtly flouted. Whether the Mr J. Hawkins, of 3 Brent Place, Christchurch actually exists has yet to be established and, in all likelihood, will probably never be established conclusively. This apparent anonymity seems to be simply a means of paying little more than lip service to the law, allowing the advertisements to be published almost unchecked. Again, the issue is one of context and applies irrespective of who the actual advertiser is. New Zealanders would undoubtedly demand to know if there was a potential for profit through vested interests, but the determinator for disclosure should be more than just pecuniary interest. Other interests are equally as important and so the requirements for revelation should apply irrespective.
Consequently, it is clear that a new minimum standard for compliance is required. All third party advertisements should be made to display the name and logo of the organisation which authorised their publication. In the unlikely event that a single citizen or small group of citizens were the authorisers, then their names, addresses and occupations should all be required. Furthermore, a mandatory requirement for registration with the Chief Electoral Office should be introduced in all cases. This would allow the office to offer voluntary advice on the compliance (or lack thereof) with electoral law, as well as providing the office with a chance to check on the bona fides of the person or organisations purporting to be behind the publication of the advertisements - preventing anymore Mr Nobody's from passing themselves off as actual people. Finally, in order to determine who the provider of the actual impetus behind the advertisement is, the only question that needs to be asked is: who is paying for it?" By doing this, it is likely that anonymous slur campaigns can be avoided and any advertisements viewed in their complete context.
Third party advertisements can carry considerable influence and are a very powerful tool. Exempt from the standard spending cap that apply to party and candidate advertisements, and subject only to a weak authorisation clause, theirs is a power that can be wielded almost unabated. It is for this reason, and in the light of recent events, that the rules and restrictions on such advertising are in urgent need of serious scrutiny and tougher controls. Without such measures in place, it is almost impossible for the public to know the true purpose behind any of these advertisements - the message behind the message will always remain a mystery and complete story will not be told. Put simply, the public have a right to know - everything.

